(Someone has been asking for these lists for quite sometime.)
Digressing from serious topics, I tried writing something on a light topic and found it to be profoundly more time consuming and taxing than any topic I have hitherto touched upon. I was trying to compile a list of the ten best songs of the greatest music director ever, Sachin Dev Burman or Sachinda. I give up. Not my cup of tea. Apart from 'Jaane woh kaise log the jinke pyar ko pyar mila' (Pyaasa/Hemant Kumar) ,'Jaayen to jaayen kahan' (Taxi Driver/Talat Mahmood) and 'waqt ne kiya kya haseen sitam' (Kaagaz ke phool/Geeta Dutt), I could go no further. Too many to include. Call Napolean!!
I now decide to trim down my filter. And try to get top 10 songs of Sachinda- Dev Anand combination (in no particular order). Not easy, given Sachinda's preference for Vijay Anand's Navketan banner. Still trying my hand. Let me add a standard disclaimer that 'the list is indicative and not comprehensive'
1. Din dhal jaaye, raat na jaaye -(Guide)
2. Jayen To Jayen Kahan -(Taxi Driver)
3. Hum bekhudi mein tumko pukare chale gaye (Kala Pani)
4. Apni to har aah ek toofan hai (Kala bazar)
5. Dil ka bhanwar kare pukar (Tere ghar ke saamne)
6. Ham hain rahi pyar ke (Nau do gyarah)
7. kya se kya ho gaya, bewafaa, tere pyaar mein (guide)
8. Hai apana din to awara (Solva Saal)
9. Dil Aaj Shaayar Hai (Gambler)
And instead of 10th, I give 2 songs from Hum Dono whose music was composed by Sachinda's great assistant Jaidev (somehow I count it as Sachinda songs)
- Main Zindagi ka saath nibhata chala gaya
- kabhi khud pe, kabhi halat pe rona aaya
That was fun. I am getting hooked to compilations. An easy one this time. Sachinda- Lata combination, the best in business.
My personal favourite :
1. Mora gora ang le le
mohe shaam rang de de
chup jaaongi raat hi mein
mohe pee ka sang de de ... (Bandini)
2. Rangeela re (Prem Pujari)
3. Rula Ke Gaya Sapna Mera (Jewel Thief)
4. Saiyan Beimaan (Guide)
5. Piya Bina Piya bina (Abhimaan)
6. Ab to Hai Tumse Har Khushi apni
7. Piya Tose Naina Laage Re (Guide)
8. Megha chhaye aandhi raat (Sharmilee)
9. Nadiya kinare heraye aaye kangana (Abhimaan)
10.Tum na jaane kis jahan mein kho gaye (saza)
Friday, May 4, 2007
Tuesday, May 1, 2007
Sub-nationalism: For a solution to Bihar's problems ?
The development of Bihar is integral to India's development. India cannot go forward leaving Bihar behind. This is not the time to apportion blame for Bihar's plight. But that it is in this condition is a severe indictment of our national leadership that has so blatantly and wilfully ignored the Bihar problem. Simple and sound economic logic tells us that when a region is falling way behind, it calls for a greater degree of investment in its progress and development. It is analogous to giving a weak or sick child in the family better nutrition and greater attention. Only in the animal kingdom do we see the survival of the fittest, with the weak and infirm neglected, deprived and even killed. Bihar has become synonymous with inaction, crime, corruption, lethargic bureaucracy, casteist politics, unemployment and the ills that poor governance brings. It does not even have the basic infrastructure and investors see it as an industrial graveyard. Law and order is a major issue but what is most needed today is Sub-nationalism for Bihar.
At the time of independence in 1947, Bihar’s position in relation to the other states was not very bad. After all, it had two major investments at that time. Investment by the Tatas in steel, an Indian indigenous entrepreneurial effort in Jamshedpur, in the plateau region of Bihar, which was possibly only of its kind in the entire colonial world in the early part of the twentieth century. Even in the plains of Bihar, Dalmias invested substantially in industrial venture in Dalmianagar before independence. After independence, instead of consolidating this advantage, Bihar’s development strategy resulted into its position becoming second last amongst other states by 1961. And by 1971, it was last in the ladder.
Ironically, even while Bihar has registered a dramatic increase in food grain production in last one decade or so, the state has registered a negative growth in the state income (-1.04). Bihar has displayed that either in the realm of empowerment or in the social consciousness, it is not burdened by its low literacy rate (47.53 percent only). Unlike many other states of the Hindi Heartland, which are contemptuously referred as BIMARU states, the society and the polity in Bihar have always been vibrant and infact in tremor. It can be said figuratively that ‘million mutinies’ are taking place in Bihar. These ‘mutinies’ literally ranged from micro to mega struggles. And this phenomenon has historical antecedent. Apart from the stellar role of Bihar in the independence struggle, there have been several movements which had strong impact on the local politics and society. Unfortunately, some of the mega class movement like that of Kisan Sabha against the intermediaries (Zamindars) or social stirring by the Triveni Sangh (involving the Koeri, Kurmi and Yadavas) could not expand their social network or agenda beyond their immediate
goal. However they left a powerful imprint in the political and social firmament of the state. Their ideological progenies, the Communist and the Socialist movement, were most powerful in Bihar in comparison to any other Hindi Heartland states. Thus politics and social agenda got intertwined, but it could not transcend into a multi class/ caste sub-national agenda of Bihar.
In contrast, there have always been two levels of nationalism in many other parts of India. One is regional nationalism (also referred as sub nationalism) and other is all India nationalism. Both these nationalisms are not in contradiction. Infact during the freedom struggle, both these movements were complimentary. One could afford to be Tamil, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali etc. as well as a very nationalist Indian. It is no accident that two songs of Rabindranath Tagore, one meant for Indian nationalism (Jana Gana Mana) and the other for Bengali subnationalism (Amar Sonar Bangla), which eventually became the national anthem of two countries, indicated the concurrent commitment to separate (but not incompatible) identities. In most of the southern and the western states in India, the ultimate home of any social movement was subnationalism. So it was not surprising that the anti-Brahmin movement in those states got converted into agenda for subnational identity. The subnational identity was built only after the consolidation of the social movement. This helped in building bridges with those social sections, who felt marginalized
(mainly the upper castes) earlier, due to the plebian character of the social movement. This strategic policy leap from ‘anti-Brahminism’ to ‘subnationalism’ triggered economic and industrial development in those states. So it was no accident that, in Tamilnadu, entrepreneurs both from the social apex (like Brahmins) as well as from the margin (like Nadars, the toddy tappers) could build powerful industrial empires in the state. This phenomenon was repeated in several southern and western states. The reverberation of economic consolidation of these states could soon be felt at the national level. The political and economic centre of gravity shifted to the south and western India. The freight equalization policy was one of the consequences of their economic and political hegemony, which infact brought havoc to the mineral rich eastern states of the county, including the then undivided Bihar. On several issues, specially related to locating projects, therefore, Bihar had to bow before their strong subnationalism in some other states.
Even then Bihar didn’t complain. The regional culture of Bihar ordained that it should subsidise not only Indian nationalism but also industrialization. If mineral resources were not enough, provide them with a huge ‘captive market’. After all, even during united Bihar, there were hardly any intermediary industries which could cater to the consumer segment. The deindustrialization of Gangetic belt, particularly in Bihar, not only facilitated industrial revolution in Great Britain, but its human resources employed in the ‘war theatres’ also ensured that the ‘Sun should never set’ in the vast and sprawling empire of its colonial masters.
Even in the realm of culture and confectionery, Bihar provided captive market. If any budding celebrity wanted to get launched in the national firmament, destination of Patna’s musical soiree in the Dussara festival was a must. It will not be an exaggeration to state that several national luminaries got themselves launched in the by-lanes of Patna, before they attained all India fame. This way, Patna had a track record, almost parallel with Poona. In the realm of fast moving consumer goods (FMCG), Poona is considered to be the launching ground. In case of its acceptance there, the consumer goods will get a national currency. What was Poona for the FMCG, Patna was for the budding cultural entities. While Poona graduated from consumer market to mammoth industrial centres, Patna failed to take advantage of its cultural predominance. Patna had the potential to emerge as an entertainment production center (and I am not yet talking about Pataliputra which stands synonymous with India's golden past). The fusion of Marathi renaissance and production vision brought about unique industrial revolution in Poona. But renaissance and production
vision both eluded this ancient city of Patna. In other cultural regions/states, dance or musical items like Bharatnatyam or Kuchipudi or Rabindra Sangeet or indigenous food items like Idli, Dosa, Vada, macher zhole or Rosogulla has a preeminent position. On the contrary,in Bihar, the native songs like purbi, chaita,
holi, bidesia, ghato, birha, kajari, samdaun or dance forms like jat jatin, bamar nach, gond nach songs or our cuisine/snacks like litti/chokha, dhuska, pitha, thekua never got a pride of place in Bihar. Infact, Bihar is possibly one of the few states which have a rich subaltern culture. Subaltern tradition with ethnic identity is not only alive in the action packed dances but can be found in the melodious songs as well with folk aesthetic grammar. No cultural or religious function is complete in certain social groups without the melody of shivnarayani, harpauri, birha, lorikayan. Even in the realm of theatre (Reshma-Chuharmal, Bihula-Bisahari, Bahura-Gorin, Raja Salhesh, Sama Chakeva, Dom Kach) and musical instruments (More Baza, Dhol Tasha, Pach Bazna, Daphla Bansuri) subaltern culture has rich tradition. If
our folk tradition could have been packaged by adding certain cultural value for
national-international audience, then Bihar’s subnational identity at the grass-root could have got different meaning. It will not be out of place to state that in the last three decades, ‘Chatth’ festival in Bihar has emerged as a subnational festival of the state. If ‘Chatth’ could be the cultural convergence point for the broadest possible caste and class coalition, there is no reason why it cannot transcend into other areas also. In Bengal, Rabindranath Tagore, Madhusudan Dutta, Jamini Roy, Girish Chandra Ghosh etc. resurrected the folk culture in the realm of songs, music, poetry, art and theatre and gave a new identity to Bengali subnationalism. Dravidian anti-Brahmin movement appropriated the folk tradition and thrust modern identity to the regional movement in the entire South and similar phenomenon is also visible in Western India.
Now it is for India to ponder, whether even after the onset of a new century, can it still turn deaf ear to Bihar? Can India flourish without consolidating the economic foundation of Bihar? Bihar has given enough to the world and the country, now it is their turn to turn towards this benighted state. What this focus on Bihar sub-nationalism will do it put back the focus of political parties of Bihar back to Bihar. It is hoped that now the political insularity of Bihar’s identity will be banished. Bihar, by virtue of its continued preoccupation with national politics, has aborted its agenda for the state. Bihar has always been used as an experimental laboratory for testing various political strategies, which is to be replicated later at the national level. Mahatma Gandhi, before launching his political agenda into the national firmament, fine tuned his political strategies in the fields of Champaran. The main bastion of Jayaprakash Narayan (J.P.), the modern incarnate of Gandhi, for the ‘Total Revolution’ was Bihar. Incidentally, both these Bihar-based movements (Gandhiji’s Champaran satyagraha and J.P’s ‘Total Revolution’) brought about paradigm shift in politics in India. After the Champaran Satyagrah, Gandhi had converted the then Congress Party into a mass organization, just as after the ‘Total Revolution’, J.P brought out BJP (then Jan Sangh) in the political mainstream of the nation. Both these events were scripted in the political soils of Bihar, which in turn changed the course of history of India. These brief historical moments were essentially recounted to indicate the intensity and receptivity of Bihar society to different ideas, ideals and ideologies. Bihar always felt that the burden of carrying Indian nationalism rested on its shoulder. In the process, the regional agenda of Bihar got relegated into the background.
At the time of independence in 1947, Bihar’s position in relation to the other states was not very bad. After all, it had two major investments at that time. Investment by the Tatas in steel, an Indian indigenous entrepreneurial effort in Jamshedpur, in the plateau region of Bihar, which was possibly only of its kind in the entire colonial world in the early part of the twentieth century. Even in the plains of Bihar, Dalmias invested substantially in industrial venture in Dalmianagar before independence. After independence, instead of consolidating this advantage, Bihar’s development strategy resulted into its position becoming second last amongst other states by 1961. And by 1971, it was last in the ladder.
Ironically, even while Bihar has registered a dramatic increase in food grain production in last one decade or so, the state has registered a negative growth in the state income (-1.04). Bihar has displayed that either in the realm of empowerment or in the social consciousness, it is not burdened by its low literacy rate (47.53 percent only). Unlike many other states of the Hindi Heartland, which are contemptuously referred as BIMARU states, the society and the polity in Bihar have always been vibrant and infact in tremor. It can be said figuratively that ‘million mutinies’ are taking place in Bihar. These ‘mutinies’ literally ranged from micro to mega struggles. And this phenomenon has historical antecedent. Apart from the stellar role of Bihar in the independence struggle, there have been several movements which had strong impact on the local politics and society. Unfortunately, some of the mega class movement like that of Kisan Sabha against the intermediaries (Zamindars) or social stirring by the Triveni Sangh (involving the Koeri, Kurmi and Yadavas) could not expand their social network or agenda beyond their immediate
goal. However they left a powerful imprint in the political and social firmament of the state. Their ideological progenies, the Communist and the Socialist movement, were most powerful in Bihar in comparison to any other Hindi Heartland states. Thus politics and social agenda got intertwined, but it could not transcend into a multi class/ caste sub-national agenda of Bihar.
In contrast, there have always been two levels of nationalism in many other parts of India. One is regional nationalism (also referred as sub nationalism) and other is all India nationalism. Both these nationalisms are not in contradiction. Infact during the freedom struggle, both these movements were complimentary. One could afford to be Tamil, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali etc. as well as a very nationalist Indian. It is no accident that two songs of Rabindranath Tagore, one meant for Indian nationalism (Jana Gana Mana) and the other for Bengali subnationalism (Amar Sonar Bangla), which eventually became the national anthem of two countries, indicated the concurrent commitment to separate (but not incompatible) identities. In most of the southern and the western states in India, the ultimate home of any social movement was subnationalism. So it was not surprising that the anti-Brahmin movement in those states got converted into agenda for subnational identity. The subnational identity was built only after the consolidation of the social movement. This helped in building bridges with those social sections, who felt marginalized
(mainly the upper castes) earlier, due to the plebian character of the social movement. This strategic policy leap from ‘anti-Brahminism’ to ‘subnationalism’ triggered economic and industrial development in those states. So it was no accident that, in Tamilnadu, entrepreneurs both from the social apex (like Brahmins) as well as from the margin (like Nadars, the toddy tappers) could build powerful industrial empires in the state. This phenomenon was repeated in several southern and western states. The reverberation of economic consolidation of these states could soon be felt at the national level. The political and economic centre of gravity shifted to the south and western India. The freight equalization policy was one of the consequences of their economic and political hegemony, which infact brought havoc to the mineral rich eastern states of the county, including the then undivided Bihar. On several issues, specially related to locating projects, therefore, Bihar had to bow before their strong subnationalism in some other states.
Even then Bihar didn’t complain. The regional culture of Bihar ordained that it should subsidise not only Indian nationalism but also industrialization. If mineral resources were not enough, provide them with a huge ‘captive market’. After all, even during united Bihar, there were hardly any intermediary industries which could cater to the consumer segment. The deindustrialization of Gangetic belt, particularly in Bihar, not only facilitated industrial revolution in Great Britain, but its human resources employed in the ‘war theatres’ also ensured that the ‘Sun should never set’ in the vast and sprawling empire of its colonial masters.
Even in the realm of culture and confectionery, Bihar provided captive market. If any budding celebrity wanted to get launched in the national firmament, destination of Patna’s musical soiree in the Dussara festival was a must. It will not be an exaggeration to state that several national luminaries got themselves launched in the by-lanes of Patna, before they attained all India fame. This way, Patna had a track record, almost parallel with Poona. In the realm of fast moving consumer goods (FMCG), Poona is considered to be the launching ground. In case of its acceptance there, the consumer goods will get a national currency. What was Poona for the FMCG, Patna was for the budding cultural entities. While Poona graduated from consumer market to mammoth industrial centres, Patna failed to take advantage of its cultural predominance. Patna had the potential to emerge as an entertainment production center (and I am not yet talking about Pataliputra which stands synonymous with India's golden past). The fusion of Marathi renaissance and production vision brought about unique industrial revolution in Poona. But renaissance and production
vision both eluded this ancient city of Patna. In other cultural regions/states, dance or musical items like Bharatnatyam or Kuchipudi or Rabindra Sangeet or indigenous food items like Idli, Dosa, Vada, macher zhole or Rosogulla has a preeminent position. On the contrary,in Bihar, the native songs like purbi, chaita,
holi, bidesia, ghato, birha, kajari, samdaun or dance forms like jat jatin, bamar nach, gond nach songs or our cuisine/snacks like litti/chokha, dhuska, pitha, thekua never got a pride of place in Bihar. Infact, Bihar is possibly one of the few states which have a rich subaltern culture. Subaltern tradition with ethnic identity is not only alive in the action packed dances but can be found in the melodious songs as well with folk aesthetic grammar. No cultural or religious function is complete in certain social groups without the melody of shivnarayani, harpauri, birha, lorikayan. Even in the realm of theatre (Reshma-Chuharmal, Bihula-Bisahari, Bahura-Gorin, Raja Salhesh, Sama Chakeva, Dom Kach) and musical instruments (More Baza, Dhol Tasha, Pach Bazna, Daphla Bansuri) subaltern culture has rich tradition. If
our folk tradition could have been packaged by adding certain cultural value for
national-international audience, then Bihar’s subnational identity at the grass-root could have got different meaning. It will not be out of place to state that in the last three decades, ‘Chatth’ festival in Bihar has emerged as a subnational festival of the state. If ‘Chatth’ could be the cultural convergence point for the broadest possible caste and class coalition, there is no reason why it cannot transcend into other areas also. In Bengal, Rabindranath Tagore, Madhusudan Dutta, Jamini Roy, Girish Chandra Ghosh etc. resurrected the folk culture in the realm of songs, music, poetry, art and theatre and gave a new identity to Bengali subnationalism. Dravidian anti-Brahmin movement appropriated the folk tradition and thrust modern identity to the regional movement in the entire South and similar phenomenon is also visible in Western India.
Now it is for India to ponder, whether even after the onset of a new century, can it still turn deaf ear to Bihar? Can India flourish without consolidating the economic foundation of Bihar? Bihar has given enough to the world and the country, now it is their turn to turn towards this benighted state. What this focus on Bihar sub-nationalism will do it put back the focus of political parties of Bihar back to Bihar. It is hoped that now the political insularity of Bihar’s identity will be banished. Bihar, by virtue of its continued preoccupation with national politics, has aborted its agenda for the state. Bihar has always been used as an experimental laboratory for testing various political strategies, which is to be replicated later at the national level. Mahatma Gandhi, before launching his political agenda into the national firmament, fine tuned his political strategies in the fields of Champaran. The main bastion of Jayaprakash Narayan (J.P.), the modern incarnate of Gandhi, for the ‘Total Revolution’ was Bihar. Incidentally, both these Bihar-based movements (Gandhiji’s Champaran satyagraha and J.P’s ‘Total Revolution’) brought about paradigm shift in politics in India. After the Champaran Satyagrah, Gandhi had converted the then Congress Party into a mass organization, just as after the ‘Total Revolution’, J.P brought out BJP (then Jan Sangh) in the political mainstream of the nation. Both these events were scripted in the political soils of Bihar, which in turn changed the course of history of India. These brief historical moments were essentially recounted to indicate the intensity and receptivity of Bihar society to different ideas, ideals and ideologies. Bihar always felt that the burden of carrying Indian nationalism rested on its shoulder. In the process, the regional agenda of Bihar got relegated into the background.
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